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My cousin Edward Lee Hartley was the second child and first son of Elwood L. and Ninnie Ophelia Conrad Hartley, Elwood, my mother Margie’s brother, changed his name to Edward and was know as TB. His son, Edward Lee, affectionately called “Brudgie”, was born 23 January 1919 in MS. Edward and a friend hitchhiked and hoboed to California where he enlisted in the U. S. Army in San Francisco for the Phillipine Division, on 21st of February, 1941. After brief basic training he was shipped overseas on 1st of April of that year. He was not to return until 13 September, 1945.

He was stationed on Corregidor when Pearl Harbor was bombed. Corregidor is a small rocky island in the Phillipines about 48 kilometers west of Manila. “The Rock” was strategically located at the entrance of Manila Bay. It served as the retreat headquarters for General MacArthur and the Philippine Commonwealth government following the successful invasion of Manila and the Bataan Peninsula by the Japanese.

Corregidor had been fortified to delay the Japanese progress. The Malinta Tunnel (see picture) was constructed to serve as a bombproof shelter that would house communications and medical units along with Allied Headquarters. The main tunnel was 835 ft long, 24 ft wide and 18 ft high at top of arch. There were 13 and 11 lateral tunnel averaging 160 ft. in length and 15 ft in width. It was in solid rock and provided total protection from artillery or air attacks.

Fuse Setter. The island came under heavy and continuous artillery and air bombardment. Edward Lee was a fuse setter in the 60th Anti-Aircraft Batallion, Coast Artillery Corps, Battery B (nicknamed Boston) Click Here for Details. The 60th Coast Artillery (AA) (60th CA), during the World War II era, was part of USAFFE’s Harbor Defenses of Manila and Subic Bays, under the Philippine Coast Artillery Command. This anti-aircraft unit was to provide air defense over Manila Bay and the southern tip of the Bataan Peninsula. The 60th CA was equipped with 3 inch guns (an older model with a vertical range of 8,200 m), 37 mm guns, 50 -caliber machine guns and 60-inch Sperry searchlights. The task of the fuse setter was described by Paul Alexa, WW11 veteran from Ohio. “And then he would give the command to the gun sergeant to commence firing, and then the loaders would take the gun -- we had a proximity fuse which had a little radar in it, and it had a vial of acid in it. And as it went through the lands and groove of the guns, centrifugal force would break the vial of acid and it would start a little radar and it would start to put out a signal. It was proximity. When it got close to the target, it would explode. It was a very good device. (The proximity fuse would not have been available to Edward, it was a later development in the war.) The other way when we were using the mechanical fuse, the loader -- one of the loaders -- the gun would be sandbagged in a circle. And the shells were laid on the sandbags all the way in a circle so that the loaders just have to reach over, have a shell available. Well, the loader would pick it up and put it in the fuse setter device. And the fuse setter would then crank a handle, and he would crank the number of seconds that would be required for that shell to reach the target.(Length of fuse determine when the shell exploded.) And then -- one of the ammunition guys, he would put the shell on the breech of the gun. The loader would put it on the breech of the gun, and the gunner would be standing on the side, usually a corporal. And with the help of the loader, because sometimes you'd be at almost a 90-degree angle with a 65-inch shell, two men would have to push it up into the breech. And once it got into the breech and the breech block closed, he'd stand aside and pull the lanyard, and the gun would fire. The gun would eject the empty shell automatically in front of the fuse setter out to the front of the gunner, and the gunner would kick it out. Kick it out of the way. Usually good gunners could kick it out over the guys' heads. Then another shell would be placed in there.”

Surrender & Imprisonment. When it became clear that the Japanese would eventually take the island MacArthur and his staff left for Australia vowing to return. Many on the island felt abandon and were very critical of MacArthur and later decisions by the Pacific Command not to rescue them. Edward was captured on May 7, 1942 by a Japanese ground unit. The Bataan Death March had occurred before his surrender. He was moved to Camp Three Cabanatuan, Philippine Islands until 29 January 1943. Edward adds a comment about Cabanatuan Camps, “We raised sweet potatoes and all we got were the vines to eat. That was at Cabanatuan Camp 1. In Camp 3 we were in prison about 1 month, all sick. (Beriberi, a result of thiamine (B1) deficiency from lack of unrefined cereals. Symptoms include weight loss, weakness & pain in limbs, edema and irregular heart rate.) The Japanese fed us fish soup, more worms than fish in it, this was to build us up so we could go to work.” From there he was moved to Camp 12, Liba, P. I. until about Sept 5, 1943. He then returned to Camp One Cabanatuan, P. I. until 6 March 1944.

With other prisoners he was put on a ship for transport to the mainland of Japan. The ship was the Taikoku Maru (Later sunk, 17 May 1944 by US Submarine Sand Lance, SS381 at 14'58"N-144'49"E.). It carried 308 Men for 17 days, fortunately no deaths en route. This was a very dangerous voyage, since Allied submarines sunk many of these transport ships without knowing that often 1000s of POWs were aboard. Both sides quit marking ships as apparently both sides would disguise the ships to protect the cargo and people. Lt. Colonel Arthur G. Christensen describes the trip which included Edward Lee:

Transport from Cabanatuan, P.I., to Japan

Cabanatuan to Manila, P.I.

Movement 6 March 1944 from the camp near Cabanatuan to the railroad at the town of Cabanatuan was made by truck, a distance of about eight miles. Movement from Cabanatuan to Manila, 6 March 1944, was made in box cars. These cars were extremely crowded and carried a load of logs in addition to the men of our detail. The stopover in Manila, 6 March to 24 March, was made at Bilibid Prison.

Manila, P. I. to Hitachi, Japan

This trip was made on a small Japanese freighter of estimated 5,000 to 6,000 tons. [Actual 3000 tons] The only passengers carried on the ship were the prisoners and guards, and about half a dozen Japanese Navy personnel. Prisoners were housed in the upper part of number two hold, which had been left vacant for them. The remainder of the ship was loaded at the time that we left the Philippines with some sort of ore, probably chromite (sic), to which was added a load of camphor logs at Formosa. The ship was armed with two guns, probably about three inch, mounted fore and aft. Extreme crowding existed. At the time we sailed it was just possible for all, by crowding to lie down at the same time. However, after being at sea two or three days, it became stormy and rainy and water leaked through the cover of the hatch, under which were quartered about one quarter of the men. It was necessary for these men to move into the surrounding area and during the remainder of the trip it was not possible for all to lie down at once, necessitating sleeping in a sitting position, or in shifts. A few days out of the Philippines it became very cold. This coupled with the wetness of the hold, and the lack of adequate amounts of warm clothing and blankets, resulted in practically all members of the detail having colds, many having flu, and one case of pneumonia. Latrine facilities existed on the deck, consisting of a small shed built out over the side of the ship. Prisoners were allowed use of the latrines practically without restriction both day and night. Washing facilities were practically non-existent due to the shortage of water on the ship. Sufficient water was furnished, though, for the washing of mess equipment.

Food was comparatively good. Cooking was done on the after well deck by prisoner cooks under the supervision of a prisoner mess officer and without too great interference by the Japanese. Cooking facilities consisted of expedient stoves made by cutting 55 gallon drums in half transversely and using them as fire boxes. Upon these were placed large cauldrons in which the cooking was done. These proved adequate as long as the sea was calm and the weather good, but when bad weather was encountered, it was next to impossible to cook on them. Wood was used for fuel. Guards, commanded by Warrant Officer Sakashita, with Sergeant (Gunso) Ooga as second in command and interpreter, treated the prisoners well.

We sailed from Manila 24 March 1944, arrived in Takao, Formosa, 27 March, remained on the ship in the harbor until 3 April, and arrived in Osaka 9 April. We debarked at Osaka 10 April and boarded the train for Hitachi, arriving there 11 April 1944, after a trip of about eighteen hours. Rail travel was in coaches which were crowded. Food en route during the train trip was good and furnished in individual "bento” boxes.”

Captain Martin S. Christie, USMC gives further details, “Moving by electric train the following day and onward arriving at the mines in Motoyama on April 12, 1944. Our camp was on the southwest side of a bowl like valley. Almost directly across from us was another mine being worked by Korean Labor forces.”

Captain Christie continues, “In August 1944 this group of Americans was broken up leaving approximately 100 in camp. Other nationalities were transferred in with the final camp made up of about 300 American, British and Javanese Dutch troops in roughly equal proportions. I remember no incidents of brutality. Occasionally someone got slapped around but nothing of a serious nature. The Japanese Camp Commander was a graduate of Northeastern University and the interpreter was a mixture of Japanese-Caucasian ancestry. Working conditions in the mines were rough, but the civilian workers were in the most part kind to us.”

Another prisoner who served in this camp was Norman Johnny Skubinna(1922-45)(pictued at left). Norman was born in Minnesota. Norman was also in the 60th Coastal Artillery on Corregidor and survived the infamous Bataan Death March. His cousin, Martin Skubinna and friends have contributed information about his experiences. I include an excerpt related to the ship voyage and life in the mines. Norman was transferred to Matsushima in September of 1944 and suffered an injury which was cruelly neglected by the camp doctor, sadly resulting in Norman’s death.

To read more go to the site originally created and maintained by Roger Mansell and now maintained, following Mansell's death, by Wes Injerd.

Martin Skubinna and his fellow contributors write, "After the fall of Corrigidor, Norman J. Skubinna was stationed in Philippine Military Prison Camp No. 10-A. From this time on, the Japanese Government was drafting these prisoners in work units of two to three-hundred in a group. Norman missed the draft until March 7, 1944, when he was ordered to stand by to be shipped to Japan in a work unit of three-hundred American boys. These boys were loaded abroad [sic] an old 60,000-ton freighter [Taikoku Maru] and marched down in the hold in which they made this voyage. They had a steel floor without any beds and steel walls. This trip was eventful. It stormed, was foggy, wet and cold. They rigged up an old 55 1/2 gallon gas barrel on deck over which they warmed themselves and cooked the little food that was given to them. On this trip, the boys most all were sick and in bad condition. They landed in Osaka, Japan [on] April 9, 1944. Due to the terrible weather enroute, they were spared being bombed or torpeoed [sic]. When they arrived in Osaka, they enjoyed warm rooms and warm food. The Japanese had some Korean girls to cook the rice for the boys. They were even given the most luscious treat of a few carrots and fish added to their skimpy ration of rice.

"They rested in this manner for a couple of weeks [Osaka Branch Camp #5 Kawasaki] then they were transferred to Hitatche [sic] where they were forced to work in a copper mine [Tokyo Branch Camp #8 Hitachi (Motoyama, see map at end of article)]. This mine was located in the mountains. The camp site was located a mile above the mine shaft, the terrain being so steep they had to carry or pull up their supplies. The path on which they went to and from work was so steep it would zig-zag up the mountain . . . . This mine was an old shaft straight down and in a very bad condition with water standing all over the mine floor. The boys were not permitted to wear their shoes as they were furnished with a sort of tennis shoe so their feet were wet continually. They went down in this mine with a lamp attached to their caps like a miner's lamp and they dug out this copper ore with picks in the slosh and loaded it in little cars. They were served two meals of rice each day and those that got sick had their rations cut as they were told they did not earn full rations.”

Life in the Camp. Edward worked in the Hitachi Camp (AKA Motoyama), Tokyo #12-D Ibaraki-ken, Hitachi-shi. The camp was established March 5, 1944 as Tokyo #12 D. Edward remained there until Aug 14, 1944 when 230 Americans leave the camp and are replaced by 150 Dutch and 80 British POWs. The primary labor performed by the prisoners was mining in the Hitachi Copper Mine. While there Edward probably received 3 or 4 Red Cross packages which contained a few ounces of cheese, corn beef, chocolate, coffee, sugar, prunes, pipe tobacco, salmon, jam, liver pate, milk powder, butter and eggs. Other items were tooth brush, soap, vitamin C, pencil, razor and blades, and toilet tissue. The Japanese issued one suit of working clothes, dress suit(Japanese soldier uniform), miner’s helmet, canvas shoes, straw pillow, pair socks, carbide lamp, carbide box match box, pair of worn socks and 7 cotton blankets.

Few cards or letters were received or “supposedly” sent. Prisoner treatment at Hitachi was rather fair compared to most of the camps. Occasional beatings were given men for infractions of the rules but were not a daily occurrence. Little medicine available to treat beriberi, malaria, dysentery, pneumonia and skin ulcers. Because of the dirty mine work they were permitted to bath each day. Their diet ranged from 1600-2500 calories per day. Small amounts of porpoise or stingray were sometimes provided; few vegetables available. Floor of buildings was sand and dirt.(See diagram) No air raid shelter for the prisoners. Lt. Colonel Arthur G. Christensen describes the camp location, “Camp located approximately eight to ten kilometers west of the town of Hitachi (on the east coast of Honshu, about 20 miles north of the town of Mito, Ibaraki Prefecture. I believe the small settlement at the site of the camp was known as Motoyama.”

Ashio Camp. Edward Lee was among those who were moved to Ashio POW Camp, where he remained until Sept 3, 1945, the day of liberation. A prisoner reported this description of trip. “On Aug. 11, 1944 a group of 150 prisoners were sent to Ashio and 80 men to Matsushima.(note:Norman Skubinna was in this group.) The senior American of this latter group was Boatswain Ernest W. Downey, U. S. Navy. Travel was by train with all 80 men confined to one railroad coach. They were given one meal of maize, fish and two buns for the trip, which required one day. The detail left Hitachi at 1300 and arrived at Matsushima at 0912 the next day. En route they passed through various large cities including Tokyo, but were compelled to draw blinds on entering cities, however, they did see some activities en route including airfields and small towns.”

At Ashio copper mining was also the primary work. George Rocek, USN, a survivor of the USS Sculpin ultimately was imprisoned in Ashio. His description of life in the camp gives us insight as to what life was like for Edward until the war ended. From Rocek article published in the magazine Polaris, December 1979:

“In January 1944, a small group of about twenty men from the SCULPIN, GRENADIER and S-44 were transferred to Oman. it was the Japanese Army POW Headquarters in Tokyo. We spent a few days there and then transferred to Ashio, a copper mining camp, north of Tokyo. In the copper mines, with the back-breaking hours and noxious sulfur fumes, the Americans nonetheless bore up better than the other prisoners who were constantly collapsing. The death rate among the latter was appalling. The Navy men resorted to every ruse in the book, and invented a few besides. They hid out behind the steam boilers and took full advantage of air raid alarms to dive into storehouses, out of which they would steal all sorts of plunder, from rice to clothing.

The mine was located in a huge mountain, the POW camp on a smaller mountain, separated by a stream. A bridge about five feet wide connected both sides and the only means of bringing in supplies was on a two-wheeled cart. (Picture at right and map provided by my friend Hisao Toyoda who traveled to Ashio to get information for me.—Mel Oakes)

The camp comprised of two oblong barracks, two tiers on each side with lice infested straw for bedding. At the rear end of the barracks was the head, outdoors type. During the winter months, the fresh water lines would freeze up, therefore, no baths for months.

The majority of the prisoners (about 125) in Ashio, were Dutch and Javanese, captured in Java. There was a Dutch doctor, a British Army corpsman and a U. S. Army medic. Due to the extreme cold, many of the Javanese died. They were taken into town for cremation. I recall crew members of TANG, GRENADIER, S-44 and PERCH being at Ashio. One of our camp cooks was Tony Duva from the S-44. Medical aid was no better in Ashio than Ofuna. My wound in the left shinbone area began to get worse and smell. The Army medic (captured in the Philippines) had secreted a few sulfa tablets and used them only in emergencies. He ground one up and sprinkled it on my wound every day, and eventually it healed. A year later I had a small piece of metal work out of my left knee.

All enlisted men had to work unless you were ill or on light duty. Those that were not working received only two meals a day, except hospital patients. The food was the same every day, which was a mixture of 40% each of barley and maize or Indian corn and 20% rice. No salt, sugar, vegetables, oil or meat. Once a month they would butcher old horses for the civilians' meat supply and some of the bones were given to us. These were boiled for a week to make them soft and then rationed out to the men. We broke them up and ate what we could. One man had a large piece stuck in his rectum and the corpsman had to use a fork to dislodge it. Most of us had a difficult time in adjusting to the food, having the runs quite often.

The last winter in Ashio, most of the camp was unable to work due to beri beri. The Japanese doctor in charge of all POW camps came to Ashio to examine us. The examination took place outside the barracks in January. About twelve men at a time had to line up before him. We were naked and told to do six knee bends. From this he designated about 30 men that were to work. The rest were put on light duty. A few weeks later we received some Chinese cabbage, oranges and boxes of baby sharks that were so strong with ammonia odor, you held your nose to be able to eat the soup.

The Japanese had their own medic and he designated if you were well enough to work or not. They had a punk-like fuzz which they rolled into a ball about a quarter of an inch in diameter and put this on you're skin and lighted it. When it burned into the skin it hurt more and did more harm because of infection. I believe this was their form of acupuncture. Regardless of what you complained of, it seemed these punk balls were placed the farthest from your ailment. For diarrhea we were given charcoal to eat.

We understood the mine was worked out and closed before the war, but reopened due to a copper shortage. The work was hard, dirty, and dangerous. Inside the entrance of the mine, there was a shrine, which we had to bow to on entering and leaving the mine. Considering the earthquake tremors you felt on the inside, we said our own prayers. You were issued a small hand hoe, scoop and a large sledgehammer. You had to break up the large rocks small enough to lift. You were always leery of the overhead, which occasionally would shed rocks, One day, about five of us were sitting down taking a break and felt sand drifting down from about. We scattered quickly, but one man had his leg broken by a huge rock that fell from the overhead, We had carbide lamps for light, which we were permitted to take back to camp. On occasion, we were in a position to steal a little grain and used these lamps to cook it.

We learned to be able sometimes to arrange some flat rocks in the copper cars to make it appear full. After months of getting away with this, they caught on, and they would tap the side of the car, if it sounded hollow, they dumped the car over and made us refill it. After a year of filling cars, some of us were 'drillers.' We used an air drill with drill bits of various lengths, about 3 to 5 feet long. After drilling the holes, packed them with dynamite sticks, but we were never allowed to ignite them. Occasionally when we spotted an air drill used by the Japanese, and no one was in sight, we would pour the carbide dust into the air supply. The drill would work for a short time and then was put out of commission. Some of the Koreans who worked in the mine treated us well, sometimes giving us part of their food.

Occasionally a newspaper would be stolen by the prisoners working the night shift. We had an Australian in camp that could read and speak Japanese, and he would write down the condensed war information, which was passed throughout the camp.

Two of us had the personal satisfaction of ripping off a Red Cross food package from the Japanese C.O.'s room. Being on light duty for a few days, I noticed the package while washing windows in the Japanese headquarters. On returning back to work in the mine, I acquired twine and a spike. In one of our outhouse stalls, I drove the spike under the deck opening to one side. We took the package late one night, ate our fill, wrapped same with twine and hung it on the spike. Every night we ate our fill. About four days later, all barracks had to be vacated and the guards ransacked the whole camp. If any submarine POW's remember that day, it was the package they were searching for. I learned later, the theft was blamed on a group of young secret police trainees that were in camp for a few weeks and left prior to the discovery of the missing package.

Our first indication of the war ending was observed when the day shift was brought back to camp and no one left camp thereafter. A few days later, we fell in for quarters and the Japanese began to abide by the Geneva Convention rules concerning POW's, They painted the rooftops with large POW letters and doled out their supplies of clothing, shoes, etc. that we so desperately wanted and needed. The supplies and some food packages were donated by the Canadian Red Cross.

About a week later, some of our carrier planes buzzed the camp in the process of locating all POW camps, as we learned later. A few days after that, one of our four-engine bombers made a food parachute drop about one hundred yards in front of the camp. We really feasted then - day and night. We then made up a list of the Korean and Japanese mineworkers who had treated us decently. They were brought to camp and we gave them all the supplies of - clothing, food, etc. that would be left behind. They all left with tears in their eyes. A week later, we were escorted to town and boarded a train for Tokyo. The secret police. or Kampia, were posted throughout the town and we saw no civilians outside. On arriving at the station, the first person to greet us was a U. S. Army Nurse with cigarettes and candy bars. What a beautiful sight! We were put in a large waiting room and waited for trucks and busses to take us to the wharf where they had a decontamination station set up and hospital ships alongside. We were told if we ate too much we could get ill, but I can't recall anyone doing so.”

(The following paragraph is translation by Hisao Toyoda of information in Ashio brochure.—Mel Oakes)

“During WW2 it was said among the people there that US aircrafts could not make a low altitude flight to conduct bombardment of Ashio since the town was situated in a narrow area surrounded by the steep mountains. After a few days from termination of the war, however US aircraft, reached there flying over Mt. Koshin-san. Everyday thereafter, an US aircraft came once a day to drop jute bags containing food and clothes to POW Camp. The bags were partly with parachutes and some were without them and many of them were dropped in the forest or river waters by mistake. According to Mr. Riichiro Oyoshi (72 at 2005, Ashio) who was in 1st year of a middle school (7th grader), there were no classes at school then and students spent days by cultivating nearby forests and by working in farms. When they found the aircraft had dropped the bags outside of the camp by mistake, he and his mates rushed to pick up dropped chocolates and sugar cubes which they never had for the preceding few years. One of his mates, Mr. Koji Endo (69 at 2005) being nine years old in 1945 was ordered to report to the school principal next day and received a heavy corporal punishment since he was, in the opinion of the principal, “worse than a beast.” According to him, however, he received sweets later on through the camp barricade from POWs. In case of Noji-mata Camp, POWs were repatriated one month later from the termination of WW2 and the Chinese group moved in from Ginzandaira. ...)

Personal Account. Edward Lee’s describes an incident at Ashio, “ because of taking a radish from a garden between where I worked and the camp, I was imprisoned behind bars in a room 10’ x 10’ and given only a canteen cup full of rice twice a day. I was required to stand 3 hours in the morning and three hours in the afternoon with a glass extended at arm’s length between by two hands everyday for seven days in a row, with two guards on watch to see that the glass was not dropped or the water spilled. On the fifth day I fell out from weakness and was returned to my cell. I remained in my cell the sixth and seventh day and on the eighth day was released and went back to work in the copper mines. I returned to three meals a day, which consisted of three bowls of rice and two bowls of soup per day. I don’t remember any specific details of beatings, as I have trained my mind to forget what I saw and received. I was paid 2.50 yen a month while working , but it was taken up again before it could be used. This happened at every camp I was in.”

He continues, “There were about 230 prisoners in the last camp that I was in: about 100 Americans, 60 Englishmen, 1 Chinese, the rest were Dutch and Javanese from Java. Prisoners were quartered in two, two-story buildings, wooden, about 90 ft. long and 30 ft. wide. The rooms were heated by four coke heaters, some of the time, from 4 o’clock in the afternoon until 7 o’clock at night. We had to sleep three in a bed to keep warm. Fleas were so thick on bedding and grounds that my body and clothing was always covered with them. We had bedbugs and lice also. No effort was made to improve the situation, although the Camp Spokesman made complaints.”

While in the mines another incident occurs that Edward describes: “The air engine loading machine we were running and loading ore cars ran over my foot as I were working with it. The Japanese put 4 empty cars next to the engine and we rode in them coming out of the mine. The Japs were playing with us and ran into another train that was parked on the track. We were doing about 10 mph and it popped us up in the air and all the loaded cars came in on us. We were lucky we were not killed.”

Liberation. The telegram at right, was sent to Edward’s mother, Ninnie Ophelia Hartley, notifying her that he was returned to military control on September 10, 1945. Edward was discharged from the Army on 27 July 1946 and returned to Mississippi where he married Minnie Lee Thornton in 1946. He attended Copiah County Jr. College and became a horologist and then opened his own jewelry store in Morton, MS, Hartley Jewelers. Minnie said he often had to machine parts for antique clock and watches. The store was sold in 1977 due to his failing health. Minnie and E. L. had two children Nancy Hartley Brown and William Edward Hartley. Minnie lives in Flowood, MS, Nancy in Iuka, Ms with husband Donnie and William Edward (Eddie) in Carthage, MS with wife Melanie (Mel).

Acknowledgements. Many thanks to Minnie Hartley and Nancy Hartley Brown for information, documents and pictures. Eddie Hartley sent Edward’s medals and ribbons for me to photograph. Martin L. Skubinna generously provided the information and picture of his cousin Norman Skubinna. Some information about camps and roster came from the excellent site on “Allied POWS Under the Japanese” maintained by Roger Mansell at http://www.mansell.com. Any remembrances, corrections and information would be greatly appreciated. (See Add Comment below.)

Edward Lee’s account of his service history comes from a document summarizing his testimony in Jackson, MS on August 30th , 1946. This account is very consistent with accounts of other soldiers sharing his experiences. I have found two Japanese Prison Rosters which include Edward Lee Hartley, ASN 19052043. One is at Tokyo 1B-Kawasaki (Source: roster from Martin S. Christie based upon handwritten Roster 16 Apr 1944), the second is Tok-Shinjuku, National Archives list also included him. Thanks to Roger Mansell for clarifying the Tok-Shinjuku listing. He writes, “ The mistake MANY people make is to assume Shinjuku was some sort of big camp---no one was there at the surrender. The Tokyo POW Command (Area POW Hq) was at Shinjuku. As such, when the punch cards were finalized, if the information was not known as to the EXACT camp of rescue, they would select the proper POW Command and use that number... or the number of the last known camp. For example, there are hundreds of men with code 511 (Philippines in general) yet we can prove they were rescued in Japan and China. To add to the confusion, camps were renumbered by the Japanese in August of 1945 and shifted camps from one POW command to another.”

(The date of the list might indicate he was here for a short time before transfer to Camp Hitachi.)

Name: SHINJUKU
Coordinates: 35*41'N., 139*43'E. (AMS L774)
Location by description: In SHINJUKU Imperial Park
POW Information:
Number:
Nationality:

Alson, Forrest Lee,Sgt,6549911,USA (CAC),60th E,25,
Brewer, Paul V. Jr.,Pvt,18038710,USA (CAC),60th E,37,
Carner, Luther J.,Sgt,17016302,USA (CAC),60th E,120,
Cohorn, Estile J.,Pvt,15065793,USA (CAC),60th B,146,
Collins, Jack R.,PFC,17017229,USA (CAC),60th F,192,Tok-12 ex Tok-01,
De Bord, Paul S.,Cpl,17003377,USA (CAC),60th M,278,
Ellis, Alonzo H.,PFC,19006146,USA (CAC),60th F,36,
Ganes, Robert W.,Pvt,19056406,USA (CAC),60th A,282,Tok-12 ex Tok-01,
HARTLEY EDWARD L,19052043,PVT,CAC,CA,TOK-SHINJUKU,
Husted, Robert S.,Pvt,36035374,USA (CAC),60th C,283,Tok-12 ex Tok-01,Cpl on NARA,
Kaats, Billy D.,Sgt,19045923,USA (CAC),60th E,177,,SSgt on NARA
Krueger, Vernon A.,Pvt,18038648,USA (CAC),60th I,293,
Landry, Francis E.,Pvt,18042235,USA (CAC),60th B,103,
Martin, Galen Leroy,PFC,18048716,USA (CAC),60th C,135,
May, George R.,PFC,19020525,USA (CAC),60th H,195,
Morgan, Corneal D.,PFC,18016350,USA (CAC),60th L,58,,Cpl on NARA,
Qualle, Cordie N.,SSgt,19052013,USA (CAC),60th M,50,
Raley, Harold C.,PFC,19032162,USA (CAC),60th F,138,,Cpl on NARA,
Skubinna, Norman Johnny,Pvt,17025065,USA (CAC),60th 2 Bn,218,Tok-12 ex Tok-01,
Johnston, Elmer L.,Pvt,18043798,USA (CAC),60th I,208,

The U. S. National Archives have Edward L. Hartley listed in their prisoner of war records. His serial number matches. His is listed as a private and his residence is California. He is reported to have been in Tokyo POW Camp (Shinjuku) Tokyo Bay Area 35-140. His discharge papers list him as a Corporal. Social Security No 426-01-7247. (See Roger Manell’s comment above.)

POW Camp Information below from: “POW Camps in Japan Proper” by Toru Fukubayashi (translated by Yuka Ibuki)

Hitachi Motoyama Branch Camp (Tokyo 8-B)
Established as Tokyo No.12 Dispatched Camp in Hitachi Mine at Motoyama, Miyata-cho, Hitachi City, Ibaragi Prefecture on March 5, 1944.
Renamed as Tokyo No.8 Branch Camp in August 1945.
The POWs were used by Nippon Mining Company.
293 POWs (145 Dutch, 80 British, and 68 American) were imprisoned at the end of the war.
5 POWs died while imprisonment.

Ashio Branch Camp (Tokyo 9-B)
Established as Tokyo No.8 Dispatched Camp at Sunahata, Ashio-cho, Kamitsuga-gun, Tochigi Prefecture on November 10, 1943.
Renamed as Tokyo No.9 Branch Camp in August, 1945.
The POWs were used by Furukawa Mining Company.
245 POWs (210 American, 32 British and 3 other nationality) were imprisoned at the end of the war.
24 POWs died while imprisonment.

Ashio Detached Camp (Tokyo 9-B Detach)
Established as Detached Camp of Tokyo POW Main Camp at Nojimata, Ashio-cho, Kamitsuga-gun, Tochigi Prefecture on June 4, 1945. Renamed as Detached Camp of Tokyo No.9 Branch Camp in August, 1945.
The POWs were used by Furukawa Mining Company.
213 POWs (121 American, 80 Dutch and 12 other nationality) were imprisoned at the end of the war.
1 POW died while imprisonment.

Edward Lee Hartley Military History